Italy is a state, standing at the crossroads of federalisation. This article traces the ideational and practical application of the federalisation process in Italy, from the lenses of the constructivist institutional theory by Colin Hay and with the application of process-tracing methodology. The research is concentred on the critical junctures and the ideas behind each stage of federalisation since the Tangentopoli crisis of the 1990s. The research findings demonstrate that, firstly, federalisation in Italy is an elite-driven process, where the politicians’ interpretation of Italian federalism affects the outcome of institutional change. Secondly, federalism is a politicised idea, which Italian society and political elite interpret as “the tool for efficient governance” or “the remedy for corruption”. Thirdly, federalism is a supplementary topic in the Italian discourse, which yields ideas connected with economic, social, and political reforms. However, federalism can be used to reinforce the policies from these three layers.

Least developed countries (LDC) play marginal role in the global economy and in the global trading system. The international community has introduced a series of initiatives to provide these countries with more favourable market access conditions. One of them is the European Union’s programme – the Everything But Arms (EBA) scheme providing duty-free and quota-free market access to all products except weapons and ammunition. Conditions for access to the EU market, are contingent not only upon the level of customs duty rates, but also rules of origin (RoO), as it is the latter that determines whether a lower rate of customs duty can be applied to imported goods or not. This article’s aim is to assess the significance of the rules of origin of goods in the European Union’s unilateral Generalised System of Preferences for the EBA system’s beneficiaries, with special attention given to changes introduced in 2011. To meet the objective hereof, not only empirical methods were employed (indirect observation and description), but also general methods, including deduction and induction. The following research techniques were used: a cause and effect analysis, a comparative analysis and synthesis. The research is based on statistical data provided by Eurostat and UNCTAD.

The aim of this article is to examine how members of the political group Identity and Democracy (I&D) attempt to break the existing pro-Ukrainian consensus in the European Parliament (EP). The adopted hypothesis is that I&D MEPs do that through the mechanism of the logic of persuasion. It was verified by analysing speeches during EP plenary debates on the situation in Ukraine and looking for evidence of this mechanism within them. The analysis demonstrated that almost 1/4 of the I&D political group uses the logic of persuasion in all their speeches to break the pro-Ukrainian consensus in the EP, but only six MEPs are likely to do that intentionally. However, some of the analysed MEPs use this mechanism in their speeches to undermine the consensus on migration and asylum policy.

The research presented in this article is the attempt to analyse Polish parliamentary discourse concerning the European solidarity. The European solidarity is one of the greatest challenges of the second decade of the 21st century. This phenomenon can be analysed from the perspective of three dimensions: its roots in the EU treaties – as values and principles; institutionalised solidarity mechanisms – measures against internal shocks, cohesion policy, social policy; ad hoc solidarity in moments of crisis – e.g. migration crisis, COVID-19 crisis. This article addresses the issue of European solidarity from the perspective of political leaders. The analysed utterances allow us to conclude that the problem of European solidarity does not dominate in the parliamentary discourse of the most important Polish politicians. The parliamentary speeches of the Polish party leaders revealed various aspects of the perception of the title concept, especially in the context of shared values, although perceived in different ways. Good relations between EU countries, a common social and economic policy, as well as the sustainable development of Europe proved to be important.

This article reflects on the outcomes of the 12th WTO Ministerial Conference (MC12), which took place on 12–17 June 2022 in Geneva. The aim of the article is to analyse the effects of this meeting in the context of the reform of the multilateral system. For this purpose, the following research questions were posed: (1) What arrangements were made during MC12? (2) Are the adopted agreements relevant for the future reform of the multilateral system within the WTO? The analysis presented in the study demonstrated that this conference, which had been postponed several times due to the COVID-19 pandemic, was a confirmation that the negotiating crisis of recent years had been overcome. Additionally, the author emphasised that the agreements reached among the representatives of 164 member countries should be seen as a success, especially in view of the international tensions accompanying the meeting. The arrangements that were made, therefore, also provide a deeper understanding of the functioning of the multilateral system within the WTO and its complexities. The structure of the article consists of an introduction, two sections presenting the results of the analysis, and conclusions. Methodologically, the article is mainly based on a critical analysis of WTO source documents and academic studies on international trade policy.

This article scrutinises the International Court of Justice’s advisory opinion on Kosovo’s independence declaration, exploring submissions from Serbia, Kosovo, and key stakeholders like the USA, United Kingdom, Russia, Germany, Spain, and France. The authors delve into legal arguments regarding Kosovo’s secession, emphasising state sovereignty versus self-determination. By dissecting the ICJ’s decision and legal principles invoked, they shed light on complex international law dynamics related to geopolitical conflicts over statehood and self-determination. By synthesising analysed perspectives, the article offers insights into the intricate legal and geopolitical dynamics surrounding Kosovo’s independence and contributes to the broader discourse on self-determination and statehood in international law. Ultimately, this research can be a valuable resource for policymakers, scholars, and practitioners interested in the questions of sovereignty, self-determination, and the application of international law in contemporary conflicts.

Summary of the pre-election period and elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic, which took place on 30 September 2023. As a result, there have been changes in the Slovak political scene, as well as opportunities to create a new parliamentary majority.