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Universal access to new technologies influences citizen participation, and its growth is recognised as one of the most important goals of electronic democracy. Apart from presenting the most important approaches to citizen participation in the context of e-democracy, the main aim of this article is to present the analytical framework for researching e-participation. Even though it is a relatively new area of scientific research, it is the subject of numerous theoretical reflections and empirical verification. Recognising e-participation as one of the dimensions of e-democracy, the author aims to answer the following research question: how to analyse e-participation from the democratic perspective? Apart from presenting the most important approaches to citizen participation in the context of e-democracy, the author indicates the analytical framework based on the own research and the literature review.

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The analysis includes an attempt to identify the ecopolitical genesis of the COVID-19 pandemic caused by the pathogenic virus SARS-CoV-2, based on the New Green Political Theory paradigm.NGPT is a modernised version of the classic Green Political Theory, extended to include opposite and dichotomous concepts (such as unsustainable development) and the consequences of post-democratic turn. It can be hypothesised, according to NGPT, that the appearance of the virus SARS-CoV-2 in November 2019 in Chinese Wuhan was only the result of previous eco-political actions or omissions. The main research question: is the New Green Political Theory (NGPT) as a revised paradigm useful for identifying political processes, actions or omissions that have contributed to COVID-19 disease appearing in political sphere and becoming a global pandemic? The methodological tool planned for research tasks will be the equilibrium/nonequilibrium approach (E/NA), because the New Green Political Theory tests the tensions between opposing and dichotomous concepts based on the antagonism of ecocentrism versus anthropocentrism.

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Since organized and other forms of crime are liable to change, modernisation and adaptation to specific social conditions, this phenomenon also requires some changes, but this time in the approach used in its detection, prevention, or proof. The primary reason for the selection of this topic is to draw the attention of the scientific society to the importance of expanding existing scientific and professional knowledge in the field of the criminal investigation of organized crime. Continuous and accelerated development of organized crime should be accompanied by the simultaneous development and improvement of tactical approaches to the investigation of this socially negative phenomenon. This article is primarily aimed at pointing out the importance of continuous improvement of traditional, classical, or methods in use, but also the development of new and modern activities that are used to combat organized crime. In addition to the conceptual definition and presentation of the elements that characterise organized crime, the author emphasises the importance of modernisation or improvement of the traditional investigation approach and presents a significant contemporary approach in the criminal investigation of organized crime. There is no success and progress in combating organized crime without proactive investigation, modern technologies, intelligence gathering, and special investigative measures. It should be noted that organized crime in most cases expands its activities to two or more countries, i.e., achieves cross-border activities that require international cooperation (criminal, police, inter-agency). The value of international police cooperation is also reflected in the fact that organized crime operates across national boundaries, does not choose society or state. Accordingly, it would be much more effective for judicial, police, and other competent authorities to remove any kind of obstacles, barriers and raise up international co-operation to the highest level, to establish an effective system for combating organized crime.

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The author of this article explores the question, what is human trafficking. In order to answer this question, definitions of human trafficking are examined, as well as the causes, types of trafficking, recruitment strategies, and the significant problems in conquering human trafficking internationally. Trafficking in human beings affects all regions and most countries of the world. According to official data, Bosnia and Herzegovina is a transit country, but certain reports indicate that it is becoming a country of origin and destination. In order to exemplify the issue of human trafficking on the concrete case study, there is further exploration of how the law of Bosnia and Herzegovina defines it, and how approachs to this problem. Taking into account the increase of human trafficking in the world, especially among countries in transition, it is extremely important to find effective solutions for the prevention of such cross-border criminal activity.

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The main aim of this article is to answer the question whether gender equality actually constitutes one of the “underlying values of the ECHR” through the lens of Article 17 ECHR. Examining this issue requires taking into account the changing paradigm of militant democracy. The hypothesis posed by the author is that, despite the formal declarations of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), gender equality does not alone justify the application of abuse clause. Moreover, this research claims that, due to its adverse impact on the rule of law principle, Article 17 ECHR is not an appropriate remedy to protect gender equality. The research relies on the analysis of the relevant ECtHR’s rulings on Article 17 ECHR.

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The expiry of the Cotonou Agreement encourages European states to change their approach towards African countries. Efforts undertaken by the European Union may end the relationship based on dependency and may open access to a more equal partnership with common interest at the centre. The consequences of the ongoing negotiations between the EU and Africa constitute important determinants for shaping economic, political and social relations in the coming years, and therefore deserve special attention. The results of this discussion will be also crucial to women’s status and gender concepts. Accordingly, the main aim of this article is to evaluate gender initiatives undertaken between the EU and Africa in selected aspects of their cooperation, with particular emphasis on the ongoing negotiations. The article has been elaborated on the basis of gender-sensitive analysis, that is also called a gender-lens perspective. Firstly, this article presents an overview of the evolution of gender agenda in institutional and legal framework of cooperation between Europe and Africa. Secondly, this text refers to the agreements and disagreements over gender agenda during the ongoing negotiations. And the last part of the article are conclusions. The research is based on the following methods and tools: critical analysis of existing sources (desk research); content analysis of subject literature, press releases and the information published by the European Union and African Union; as well as the field research and interviews that the author has conducted with representatives of the non-governmental organisations in Tanzania. The field research was funded by a grant from the National Science Centre – PRELUDIUM 9, number: 2015/17/N/HS5/00408.

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The COVID-19 pandemic worldwide has revealed the scale of social inequalities even in some of the most developed economies, exposing the existing vulnerabilities. Particularly, gender inequality and economic empowerment of women were a challenge even before the COVID-19 pandemic. This article investigates the “double marginalisation” effect of COVID-19 pandemic on women in Kosovo, through the analysis of gender implications of COVID-19 and participation of women in the labour market. Double marginalisation is analysed through the prism of the lack of institutional actions to prevent the further marginalisation of women during the pandemic crisis. Governmental preventive and recovery measures have particularly neglected women by failing to recognise the threats and vulnerabilities they are exposed to. Thus, the intentional negligence leads to the emergence and development of the phenomenon of double marginalisation of women. It is also a result of traditional vision of the role of women in society and cultural stereotypes combined with the COVID-19 pandemic crisis.

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The article presents the results of the analysis of the political news about electronic voting published on YouTube. The purpose of the research is to reveal an attitude towards electronic voting that is formed in YouTube videos, because it is a powerful channel for forming public opinion. In the focus of attention there are four countries that have made the electronic voting a widely used practice (Belgium, Estonia, Switzerland and Russia). The author bases his research on the hypothesis that the decision of a voter to take part or not to take part in elections will be influenced by the information he or she has learnt about electronic voting from the news – especially attitudes towards the voting, expressed by other users of YouTube. The research results demonstrate that in Belgium the electronic voting is treated neutrally, while in Estonia and Switzerland it is positively regarded. As for Russia, the attitude is negative.

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No economic policy can be implemented without political influence, and politics is deeply affected by economic consequences. This braiding of political and economic sciences is clearly illustrated in a case study of the decision-making process by the United Kingdom to leave the European Union in 2016. This article reveals the role of political and economic factors instrumental in this decision and concludes with appeal for understanding and future built on mutual respect and trust.

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The possibility of conducting attacks on critical infrastructure of States prompted a re-evaluation of the jus ad bellum in cyberspace and the drafting of the Tallinn Manual at the behest of the NATO Cooperative Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence. Artificial intelligence combined with the use of social media platforms that have access to large audience has opened a new avenue of international dynamics, posing a potential threat to the political independence of states. This article presents the analogy in the use of algorithmic targeting misinformation and influence campaigns and cyber attacks, as well as examines the roles of the various actors in the international sphere with a view on understanding what actions, if any, nations can undertake to counter these threats to their political independence under international law.

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This article is an attempt to demonstrate that the media policy of the PiS government after 2015 has had a systemic quality. It is aimed at altering the principles of how the media in Poland is organised and how it is functioning, which will facilitate the media’s instrumental exploitation in the government’s information policy. These findings emerge from a structured comparison based on the management theory of a classifier of goals with the concepts of public interest as a guideline of media policy as accepted in various forms of democracy and the corresponding media doctrines.

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An electoral defeat usually marks a significant turning point in the life of political parties. It is often the beginning of the changes taking place within them (Harmel, Janda 1994; Gauja 2016: p. 50–51). Existing research suggest that the desire to improve the electoral outcome is the main argument for reform within political parties (Janda 1990; Harmel et al. 1995). This article looks at a relationship between the reactions of political parties to electoral defeat and one factor found to be important in this respect – i.e. the level of intra-party democracy (IPD) analysed at the organisational level. The study uses the IPD measurement model developed by Benjamin von dem Berge and his team (see: von dem Berge et al. 2013). The article provides the analysis of the level of intra-party democracy of the selected four Polish political parties (on the basis of their statutes) continuously present on the Polish political scene after 2001 and its impact on changes within political groupings after electoral defeats. The author examined the statutes of the Law and Justice (PiS), the Civic Platform (PO), the Polish People’s Party (PSL) and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). These parties suffered defeats either in the 2011 or 2015 elections. The main research problem is to determine how the level of IPD of the examined parties influences their reactions after electoral defeats. The research hypothesis is: political parties with a higher level of IPD should change under the influence of electoral defeats more than parties with a lower level of this indicator. The study used also the methodology of data analysis (party’s statutes and other documents) and 21 structured in-depth interviews with representatives of party elites. Based on the results, the index of change after defeat in political parties is created.

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The weak and strong sustainable development models are analysed in this paper. The emergence of weak and strong models of sustainable development, the bases and principles that distinguish them from each other, as well as the arguments of the supporters of these approaches are studied. It is noted in this paper that, believing that there can be a smooth replacement of resources, the weak sustainability approach does not see any environmental threat to economic growth. The disadvantage of this approach is that it does not take into account the fact that human life would be unstable if the basic natural resources were depleted without any compensation. From this viewpoint, the arguments of the strong sustainability approach are considered more realistic and accepted as more attractive. A strong approach to sustainable development, which is a more cautious approach to economic growth, emphasises that sustainable development can be achieved through environmental responsibility. Ensuring environmental responsibility is presented as one of the important conditions for economic expediency and social solidarity. Strong sustainability model opposes the possibility that human capital can be replaced by natural capital. Analysing the positions of those scientists, who support strong sustainability, it is concluded that the replacement of development characterised by quantitative growth with qualitative sustainable development to increase welfare is one of the important principles of strong sustainable development.